西班牙之魂

Name: 西班牙之魂
Availability: InStock
Rating: 8.1 (59 reviews)
ISBN: 9787305111235

[英] 贾尔斯·特雷穆莱特

出版社

南京大学出版社

出版时间

2013-03-31

ISBN

9787305111235

评分

★★★★★

标签

历史地理

书籍介绍

作者以外国记者的独特视角，深入探讨了当代西班牙社会多个热点话题：历史旧账该不该清算？独裁者弗朗哥与国王胡安·卡洛斯一世为何饱受争议？加泰罗尼亚和巴斯克为何要求独立？旅游业如何拯救西班牙？如何理解圣地亚哥之路、弗拉门戈、西班牙足球以及阿尔莫多瓦的电影？老派天主教国家还有多少天主教徒？穆斯林和基督徒如何共处？以及，传统和现代如何并存？

本书话题有趣，可读性与思想性并重，相信可以成为多元文化爱好者的枕边书。

贾尔斯·特雷穆莱特，英国《卫报》驻西班牙记者。

AI导读

核心看点

本书由资深英国记者撰写，深入剖析当代西班牙社会的复杂矛盾与历史遗留问题。作者拒绝肤浅的旅游指南式描写，而是直面内战创伤、弗朗哥独裁统治的阴影以及民主转型期的阵痛，揭示西班牙社会在沉默与喧嚣、传统与现代之间的撕裂与挣扎。
书中探讨了加泰罗尼亚独立运动、巴斯克地区冲突等敏感政治议题，同时批判性地审视了西班牙旅游业对经济的依赖及其社会代价。作者以敏锐的观察力，揭露了所谓‘西班牙热情’表象下的社会焦虑、噪音污染以及深层的文化冲突与身份认同危机。
作者结合历史学家的严谨与记者的敏锐，梳理了从帝国衰落到内战，再到民主重建的脉络。书中涉及宗教、性别、暴力记忆等禁忌话题，展现了西班牙人在遗忘协定下的集体失忆，以及新一代对历史真相的追问，提供了超越刻板印象的深度社会观察。

适合谁读

适合对西班牙历史、政治及社会文化有深度兴趣的读者。如果你已阅读过《西班牙旅行笔记》等入门读物，希望进一步了解西班牙内战后的社会创伤、民主转型困境及地区分裂问题，本书是极佳的进阶选择，提供比旅游文学更严肃、更深刻的视角。
适合关注国际政治、社会转型及历史记忆问题的读者。书中关于独裁统治后的清算、暴力记忆的处理、以及不同意识形态群体如何共存的讨论，具有普遍的社会学意义。读者可从中反思历史创伤对当代社会结构的长期影响，以及媒体在构建国家叙事中的角色。
适合喜欢深度纪实文学、社会调查报道的读者。作者贾尔斯·特雷穆莱特兼具历史学家与记者身份，其写作风格兼具学术严谨性与新闻可读性。读者若对欧洲右翼政治、宗教世俗化冲突、以及后殖民时代的身份认同危机感兴趣，本书能提供丰富的案例与思考素材。

读前提醒

本书并非轻松愉快的旅游指南，而是充满批判性思考的社会政治分析。书中涉及大量内战、独裁统治、恐怖主义等沉重话题，阅读时需保持客观理性的态度，理解作者作为外国记者的立场局限，避免将其观点简单等同于西班牙全貌，建议结合其他史料交叉验证。
书中部分章节涉及西班牙复杂的地区政治与宗教历史，若读者对西班牙内战背景、弗朗哥时期历史及加泰罗尼亚独立运动缺乏基本了解，可能会感到困惑。建议阅读前简要补充相关历史背景知识，以便更好地理解书中关于‘两个西班牙’冲突及历史清算争议的深层逻辑。
作者以英式幽默和讽刺笔调揭露社会阴暗面，部分描述可能显得尖锐甚至冒犯。读者应警惕将西班牙人简单标签化为‘懒惰’或‘暴力’的刻板印象，理解这些行为背后的历史创伤与社会结构性问题。本书旨在引发反思而非提供简单答案，请勿断章取义地引用书中片段作为对西班牙人的负面评价。

读者共识

读者普遍认为本书比一般的旅游笔记深刻得多，作者作为长期驻西记者，提供了真实、独到且具批判性的视角。尽管部分读者遗憾书中人文风情描写较少，但多数评价认为其对社会矛盾、历史创伤及政治现实的揭露极具价值，是了解真实西班牙不可或缺的重要读物，翻译质量也获得认可。
读者指出本书不适合寻求轻松娱乐或表面文化猎奇的读者，其内容涉及大量政治敏感话题和社会阴暗面。有评论认为作者对西班牙民主转型过程的描写过于轻描淡写，甚至带有偏见。但总体而言，读者认可其作为严肃社会观察作品的价值，认为其揭示了西班牙光鲜表象下的深层裂痕与痛苦。
读者共识认为本书信息量大，逻辑严密，但阅读门槛较高，不适合零基础读者。部分读者反映书中对西班牙负面现象的集中描写可能强化刻板印象，建议读者辩证阅读。尽管如此，多数读者仍强烈推荐给希望深入理解西班牙社会复杂性、历史遗留问题及当代政治困境的严肃读者，认为其具有极高的思想深度。

本导读基于书籍简介、目录、原文摘录、短评和书评生成，不等同于全文精读。

精彩摘录

"This country is famous for noise. Newspapers occasionally report on how the noise levels of Madrid or Barcelona pose a danger to health and sanity. One in four Madrid streets subjects its residents to noise beyond World Health Organisation limits, one report tells me. Half of fourteen to twenty seve"
"anger is worn lightly, and easily disposed of. Perhaps that is why Spaniards do not share that anglosaion weakness for fisticuffs. Road rage is considered fine, even healthy. You may sit in your car, blast your horn and insult anyone who takes your fancy. Nobody, however steps out with hatred in the"
"the Two Spains, seem to have something to do with the Spanish love of forming groups and clans. Spaniards like to move en masse, to belong to large gaggles. They celebrate, and demonstrate, in huge throngs-their enjoyment increased by the numbers with them. It is one of the great and enviable things"
"A country that had slowly, over several hundred years, lost a once vast empire, finally turned against itself. This loss of empire had reached its final point in 1898 with what became known as el Desastre, the Disaster. In that year Spain lost Puerto Rico, the Philippines and, in a humiliating naval"
"By the time the guns had stopped smoking and Franco had signed his final parte de guerra on 1 April 1939, some half a million Spaniards were dead. There are no exact figures, but it is thought that some 200,000 were executed by the two sides. There were also thousands of dead Italians and Germans, w"
"The war dragged on for three years. Franco could probably have won it in a lot less time. But he preferred to avoid an early battle in Madrid and, anyway, he was not just after military victory. He wanted more than that. His fellow generals appointed him head of Government of the Spanish State in Se"
"Up to 60,000 people were killed by the left, a number probably doubled by Franco's followers. The difference was not just in scale. Neither the Republican authorities, nor the political parties of the left sanctioned reprisals, one historian points out. The savage repression perpetrated on the Natio"
"Those who lost the war were condemned to silence, imposed on them by the dictatorship and agreed on by the democracy in the Amnesty Law of 1977. That condemnation has now reached the third generation of these families. Today there are people who still feel the need to lower their voices or even to c"