The Socialist System

János Kornai

出版时间

1992-03-23

ISBN

9780691003931

评分

★★★★★
书籍介绍
To understand the dramatic collapse of the socialist order and the current turmoil in the formerly communist world, this comprehensive work examines the most important common properties of all socialist societies. JNBnos Kornai brings a life-long study of the problems of the socialist system to his explanation of why inherent attributes of socialism inevitably produced in-efficiency. In his past work he has focused on the economic sphere, maintaining consistently that the weak economic performance of socialist countries resulted from the system itself, not from the personalities of top leaders or mistakes made by leading organizations and planners.This book synthesizes themes from his earlier investigations, while broadening the discussion to include the role of the political power structure and of communist ideology. Kornai distinguishes between two types, or historical phases, of socialism. The 'classical socialism' of Stalin, Mao, and their followers is totalitarian and brutally repressive, but its components fit together and make up a coherent edifice. Associated with names like Tito, KNBdar, Deng-Xiaoping, and Gorbachev, 'reform socialism' relaxes repression, but brings about a sharpening of inner contradictions and the eventual dissolution of the system.Kornai examines the classical system in the first half of the book, and moves on to explore the complex process of reform in the second half. "The Socialist System" is addressed to economists in the first place, but also to political scientists, sociologists, and historians. In addition, it will appeal to policymakers, business analysts, and government officials who need to understand either formerly or presently communist countries.
精彩摘录
  • "问题是这种非常有益的私人活动却处于严重的冲突状态之中,浪费着人们的精力和时间。人们总是担心不知什么时候官方就会发出禁令:官员们有时会严格执行命令,有时又熟视无睹。这种猫捉老鼠的游戏不知消耗了多少聪明才智和进取之心。"
  • "对于某些社会变迁而言,我们能够轻易地确认社会中的哪些群体支持改革,以及哪些群体反对改革。而在社会主义体制的改革过程中,却无法做到这一点。似乎不可能做出一般性的明确判断:谁是改革的拥护者,而谁又是它的敌人。"
  • "在经典社会主义体制下,即使在大型企业,领导和工人的收入比例通常也不会超过5:1,而在美国,这一比例可能会高达20:1,部分原因是两种体制的管理者市场不同。在资本主义体制下,企业会争夺最好的管理者,管理人员往往供给不足,他们甚至可以自己提出聘用条件。最大的企业和赢利能力最强的企业会提供高额工资来吸引最好的管理者。经理生涯的顶点便是活的最好收入的企业职位。 而在经典社会主义体制下,情况则完全不同,那里没有必要通过支付高额工资来吸引优秀管理者。每一位管理人员都是同一个中央官僚体制中的成员,每位管理者都是党的战士。哪怕是任命某人担任超大型企业的领导,这也不是管理者职业生涯的顶点,他/她还有望登上更高的"
  • "市场社会主义和计划—市场思想的一个关键要点就是希望官僚协调和市场协调能够融洽相处并弥补各自的缺陷,从而成为互为补充的协调机制。上述期望几乎没有实现。 国有部门的改革摇摆不定,其结果便是官僚协调和市场机制的缺点非但没有互相纠正,反而趋向于彼此加强。"
  • "价格应该有利于形成供求平衡 真正影响供求决策并影响供求价格的是每个人的个人利益,并最终支配着参与者相互签订私人合同。任何由命令所规定的计算方案都无法替代这种充满活力的合作机制。"
  • "如果当权者的政策遭到某些政治团体的反对,这并不意味着政策有什么问题,而是因为那些反对派是内部和外部阶级敌人的代言人,他们愚蠢、额度或者根本就是公然敌对。大规模的群众反抗也不能说明一部分群众不支持党的领导。党比群众更了解她们自己的利益要求:这也正是“先锋”的意义所在。 党完全能够比党外的广大人民群众更了解他们自己的利益所在,此时还让党受制于有其他政党参与的选举程序,岂不是画蛇添足?事实上,如果真那么做的话,将是一个非常严重的错误,是对人民的犯罪,因为大多数人可能投票给没有真正代表人民利益的政党。斯大林就曾说过:“如果党仅仅是工人阶级情感和思想的应声虫,如果党总是尾随于自发的群众运动之后,那么它就"
  • "More can go on investment only if less is spent on consumption, meaning direct, individual consumption by households and collective consumption contributing to public well-being. Things happen this way mainly because the country's leaders, fully consciously, want them to happen so. Mention has been "
  • "一旦党夺取了国家权力并成为唯一的掌权者,那么在任何情况下它都不会放弃权力。斯大林曾这样表达,他先是引用列宁的名言:“权力问题是革命的根本问题”,然后又加上了自己的话:“夺取权力只是一个开始关键是要保持权力、巩固权力,让它战无不胜。” 在官方意识形态的价值体系中,权力不仅仅是实现其他重要目标的工具,权力本身就具有内在价值,是最终的善。当评价社会主义体制的表现时,必须将这一点牢记于心。在第一章[1.7]里,我们曾用模拟的方式来说明如何为社会主义体制打分,下面的内容也应该是其中的一门课程或者说评价的标准之一:共产党是否牢牢地掌握了手中的权力?官方意识形态表明权力这门功课在学校的成绩汇报单上应该具有很"
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研究社会主义体制的教科书
Chap 15(15.1) main line of causality. The socialist system did not renew and free its dysfunctional features while remain the sole rule of communist party and dominance of the state sector (p377). Chap 21 the dominance of public ownership and the separation of the market are not compatible (p500). Cheap mercialism (p509). Chap 23&24 (24.1). SY 9/21
The best thorough investigation over the elements and functioning of the classic socialist system by induction. Plus, deduction on its potential and limits of deviating from the classic mode
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