The Rise and Decline of Nations

Mancur Olson

出版时间

1984-09-10

ISBN

9780300030792

评分

★★★★★
书籍介绍

The years since World War II have seen rapid shifts in the relative positions of different countries and regions. Leading political economist Mancur Olson offers a new and compelling theory to explain these shifts in fortune and then tests his theory against evidence from many periods of history and many parts of the world.

“[T]his elegant, readable book. . . sets out to explain why economies succumb to the ‘British disease,’ the kind of stagnation and demoralization that is now sweeping Europe and North America. . . . A convincing book that could make a big difference in the way we think about modern economic problems.”—Peter Passell, The New York Times Book Review

“Schumpeter and Keynes would have hailed the insights Olson gives into the sicknesses of the modern mixed economy.”—Paul A. Samuelson, Massachusetts Institute of Technology

“One of the really important books in social science of the past half-century.”—Scott Gordon, The Canadian Journal of Economics

“The thesis of this brilliant book is that the longer a society enjoys political stability, the more likely it is to develop powerful special-interest lobbies that in turn make it less efficient economically.”—Charles Peters, The Washington Monthly

“Remarkable. The fundamental ideas are simple, yet they provide insight into a wide array of social and historical issues. . . . The Rise and Decline of Nations promises to be a subject of productive interdisciplinary argument for years to come.”—Robert O. Keohane, Journal of Economic Literature

“I urgently recommend it to all economists and to a great many non-economists.”—Gordon Tullock, Public Choice

“Olson’s theory is illuminating and there is no doubt that The Rise and Decline of Nations will exert much influence on ideas and politics for many decades to come.”—Pierre Lemieux, Reason

Co-winner of the 1983 American Political Science Association’s Gladys M. Kammerer Award for the best book on U.S. national policy

Mancur Lloyd Olson, Jr. (pronounced /ˈmæŋsɜr/; January 22, 1932–February 19, 1998) was a leading American economist and social scientist who, at the time of his death, worked at the University of Maryland, College Park. Among other areas, he made contributions to institutional economics on the role of private property, taxation, public goods, collective action and contract righ...

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AI导读
核心看点
  • 本书核心提出‘分利集团’理论,论证社会稳定期会滋生大量特殊利益集团,这些集团通过政治游说阻碍经济调整,导致效率下降和国家衰败,解释了为何和平年代经济反而停滞。
  • 作者运用集体行动逻辑分析政治经济问题,指出小型同质性集团更易组织起来索取利益,而广泛性组织虽能促进繁荣,但现实中分利集团往往占据上风,造成社会僵化。
  • 书中强调开放与自由竞争环境对经济的重要性,反对任何形式的贸易限制和要素流动壁垒,主张宏观经济政策必须建立在坚实的微观经济学基础之上,以维护市场活力。
适合谁读
  • 对政治经济学、制度经济学感兴趣的研究者,希望深入理解利益集团如何影响国家政策制定、阻碍市场机制运行以及导致经济停滞的深层逻辑。
  • 关注国家兴衰历史规律、社会治理结构及公共政策制定的读者,特别是想了解为何某些国家在战后和平时期出现经济衰退和社会僵化现象的群体。
  • 对奥尔森《集体行动的逻辑》已有了解,希望进一步探索其理论在宏观历史和国际比较层面应用的读者,以及需要批判性思考民主政治与经济发展关系的学者。
读前提醒
  • 本书理论框架严谨但逻辑抽象,阅读时需结合《集体行动的逻辑》中的微观基础理解,注意区分‘分利集团’与‘广泛性组织’的概念差异,避免误读作者对民主制度的态度。
  • 书中涉及大量历史案例和经济学推论,部分观点如‘战争能消灭分利集团从而促进增长’极具争议,读者应保持批判性思维,结合当代中国及全球现实进行独立判断。
  • 建议配合阅读凯恩斯主义、货币主义等相关宏观经济学理论,以便理解作者对现有宏观模型的批判及构建新模型的意图,切勿将其简单视为反自由放任的极端言论。
读者共识
  • 读者普遍认为本书理论框架清晰、逻辑严密,对解释西方经济滞涨和社会僵化有深刻洞见,但其将战争视为清除分利集团手段的观点备受争议,且对非西方社会解释力有限。
  • 多数评论指出书中语言优雅缜密,具有极高的学术价值,但部分读者认为其忽视制度自我修正能力,过分强调分利集团的负面作用,对现实政策指导意义存在局限。
  • 尽管存在争议,本书仍被视为政治经济学经典,读者认可其对利益集团行为分析的贡献,但警示勿将其理论简单套用于解释所有国家兴衰,需警惕其潜在的理论偏见。

本导读基于书籍简介、目录、原文摘录、短评和书评生成,不等同于全文精读。

精彩摘录
  • "既然一个选民的一票该表选举结果的可能性非常小,典型的公民通常就会表现出对公共事务的“理性无知”。通常情况下,关于公共事务的消息是如此有趣,以至让人感受到获得这种消息本身就是值得的——这好像是典型选民对公共事务理性无知这个一般规律例外的唯一一个最重要原因。"
  • "·“过去曾经辉煌的城市,大多数已经不再辉煌;而现在强大的城市,过去可能曾经非常弱小。通过这两类相反的雄辩事实,我确信人类的幸福不可能永远持续长存。” ·需要考虑许多因素来解释政府的增长,本书所宣称的一个观点是,特殊利益组织的不断增长是这些因素中的一个。 ·“印度社会的静态性质,它在变化的世界中拒绝改变,每一种抵制变化的文明都将衰败。” 关于印度遥远过去的资料非常缺乏,我们所知道的是如此之少以至于不可知论倒是非常适合。 ·正如优秀的历史学家让我们注意到的,在历史上发生的许多事情是出于偶然,并且必定超出了任何理论的解释力。 ·无论是左派还是右派都坚持这种传统假设,即市场会比政府和其他机构产生更大的"
  • "九条推论: 1,不存在这样的国家:其中所有具有共同利益的人群都可能组成平等的集团并通过全面协商而获得最优的结果。 2,凡边界不变的稳定社会中,随着时间的推移,将出现愈来愈多的集团和组织。 3,“小型”集团的成员具有较强的组织集体行动的能力,而这种优势随着社会稳定时间的延长而递增。 4,总的说来,社会中的特殊利益组织或集团会降低社会效率和总收入,并使政治生活中的分歧加剧。 5,广泛性组织一般都倾向于促使其所在的社会更加繁荣昌盛,并力图在为其成员增加收入份额的同时,尽可能地减轻其额外负担,从而只有当国民收入再分配中所产生的利益与由此引起的全社会损失相当大时,才支持这种再分配行动。 6,分利集团进行"
  • "有史以来贸易限制最大的减少不在于降低贸易限制的幅度,而在于缩短了关税壁垒的长度。"
  • "本书理论的政策含义就是:应该实行比较自由的贸易政策,并允许生产要素和企业毫无阻碍地自由流动。"
  • "作者希望对凯恩斯的争论最好尽早留给经济思想史学家去研究,从而使所有经济学派的天才巨匠们解放出来,集中精力于博采各家之长,以发展更完善的宏观模型:继承货币主义与均衡理论家所坚持的宏观经济理论的宏观模型,必须建立在坚实的微观经济学基础之上,同时继承凯恩斯所承认的非自愿事业的可能性,但同时又承认,在稳定的社会内一种自由放任主义的经济不可能在持久地、自动地维持充分就业水平下的生产。"
  • "在宏观经济政策方面最重要的推论就是:最好的宏观经济政策也应当同事是良好的微观经济政策。一种开放的与自由竞争的环境对于经济的重要性是不可替代的。"
作者简介
Mancur Lloyd Olson, Jr. (pronounced /ˈmæŋsɜr/; January 22, 1932–February 19, 1998) was a leading American economist and social scientist who, at the time of his death, worked at the University of Maryland, College Park. Among other areas, he made contributions to institutional economics on the role of private property, taxation, public goods, collective action and contract rights in economic development. Olson focused on the logical basis of interest group membership and participation. The reigning political theories of his day granted groups an almost primordial status. Some appealed to a natural human instinct for herding, others ascribed the formation of groups that are rooted in kinship to the process of modernization. Olson offered a radically different account of the logical basis of organized collective action. In his first book, The Logic of Collective Action: Public Goods and the Theory of Groups, he theorized that “only a separate and ‘selective’ incentive will stimulate a rational individual in a latent group to act in a group-oriented way”; that is, only a benefit reserved strictly for group members will motivate one to join and contribute to the group. This means that individuals will act collectively to provide private goods, but not to provide public goods. In 1982, he expanded the scope of his earlier work in an attempt to explain The Rise and Decline of Nations. The idea is that small distributional coalitions tend to form over time in countries. Groups like cotton-farmers, steel-producers, and labor unions will have the incentives to form lobby groups and influence policies in their favor. These policies will tend to be protectionist and anti-technology, and will therefore hurt economic growth; but since the benefits of these policies are selective incentives concentrated amongst the few coalitions members, while the costs are diffused throughout the whole population, the "Logic" dictates that there will be little public resistance to them. Hence as time goes on, and these distributional coalitions accumulate in greater and greater numbers, the nation burdened by them will fall into economic decline. Olson's idea is cited as an influence behind the Calmfors-Driffill hypothesis of collective bargaining. In his final book, Power and Prosperity, Olson distinguished between the economic effects of different types of government, in particular, tyranny, anarchy and democracy. Olson argued that a "roving bandit" (under anarchy) has an incentive only to steal and destroy, whilst a "stationary bandit" (a tyrant) has an incentive to encourage a degree of economic success, since he will expect to be in power long enough to take a share of it. The stationary bandit thereby takes on the primordial function of government - protection of his citizens and property against roving bandits. Olson saw in the move from roving bandits to stationary bandits the seeds of civilization, paving the way for democracy, which improves incentives for good government by more closely aligning it with the wishes of the population
用户评论
奥氏自己运用集体行动理论分析政治经济问题的著作。自信完美解释英国从增长走向停滞、美国南北经济发展速度差异、战后西方各主要资本主义经济体的经济增长和停滞,对其他地区情况则由于资料不足而着墨不多。民主政治、固定疆界和繁复法律有时候是福祸相依;战争和动乱若能消灭分利集团根基,事后在稳定政权下反能创造高速增长,似符合中国。后人多称颂其分利集团从事集体行动以游说保护特殊利益之精美论述,但奥氏野心其实更大:他试图以此论为基础介入当代宏观经济学中凯恩斯与货币主义/理性预期均衡理论的大辩论,力陈分利集团集体行动其实是导致凯恩斯未解释的工资/价格粘性的来源,甚至由于分利集团在政府不行政干预的情况下仍然存在,亦足以使货币主义者构建理论时的经济出清、无政府干预、自动均衡等假设无效。最后期盼相当激烈:消灭利益集团!
一本很好的利益集团研究著作,以及学术通俗读物。Olson对distributional coalition以及encompassing organization的区分,集体行动的逻辑,是有其微观基础的。框架很干净很经济学。——集体行动的逻辑是,基于理性人假设,同质性高的、能够获得更多资源的群体更容易组织起来要求利益,而数量庞大、利益诉求高度分化的工人、消费者、弱势群体从来就是很难组织起来的。从来没有国家能够形成“全对称”的利益群体,永远是少数分利者占据上风,更不用说争夺社会资源所带来的消耗。启发是,即使中国容许了结社自由和利益集团,真能够像一些人所想象的,保护弱者权益吗?
阚凯力教授推荐的
chapter 3, implications. once continued stability and accumulate more distributional coalitions, adverse influence on the eco growth.
3星。特殊利益集团由于其规模小的缘故,更容易克服集体行动,而又由于它们在经济中占比如此的小,所以他们更乐于分蛋糕而不是把蛋糕做大,他们的这种倾向让它们不愿意接受新的技术,也让经济调整更加缓慢。在平静岁月里这种特殊利益集团开始聚集,而这也是为什么经济稳定期内,经济开始变差。虽然奥尔森的逻辑还算清楚,但是很多问题没有解释明白:比如为什么稳定的事情更容易形成利益集团?亨廷顿就提出变化社会更容易产出利益集团。我也不是很认同为什么利益集团的决策会比个人更慢:集团组织领导的作用以及信息收集的能力被忽视了。
少见的,及其优雅缜密的语言,仿佛每个句式都可以移花接木到人类的论文里。
本书尝试论证一点:随着西方社会进入和平稳定发展的阶段,拥有共同利益倾向的个体、团体会逐渐聚集,并形成社会影响力。这些广泛分布的特殊利益集体(例如工会)会降低社会的生产效率,而目前西方的两党制政治体制不足以解决这些社会利益团体所带来的问题。事实上,作者仅说对了一半。详见书评。
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